The Oldest Cemetery in Dallas Rediscovered:
The Lost Location of Dallas's Slave Burials
Dallas Co. Cemeteries
of Tx
James M. Davidson, University of Arkansas at Fayetteville
The earliest cemetery established in Dallas, Texas, had lain buried, lost,and 
forgotten for nearly a hundred years. Now, from a clue found while 
researching the origin of Freedman's Cemetery (the historic African-American 
cemetery that was the focus of intensive archaeological investigations in 
recent years), this lost cemetery, the Old Dallas Burial Ground, has been 
rediscovered.The information recovered regarding this cemetery's origin and 
demographyhas provided significant insight into life in antebellum Dallas. 
Dallas's oldest cemetery is located a mere four blocks north of two 
famous landmarks in Dallas history - the Texas School Book Depository and 
Dealey Plaza- and some two miles to the south of Freedman's Cemetery. While 
the village of Dallas itself was founded in 1841 by John Neely Bryan, the 
precise founding date of the old Dallas Burial Ground remains unknown. From 
our current understanding, however, it is likely that it was formed in the 
early1840s in an impromptu manner, and only when the first death to visit 
thevillage of Dallas dictated its necessity. Importantly, and not a typical for 
the antebellum South, the Old Dallas Burial Ground marked the final resting 
place of both "anglo" settlers and enslaved African Americans, making it a 
true communal graveyard. From the archival record, it would seem that Dallas's 
first cemetery was closed to further interments sometime around 1869, the very 
year that Freedman's Cemetery was founded.
Prior to the discovery of the Old Dallas Burial Ground, it had been 
widely believed that Freedman's Cemetery actually contained the remains of 
both freedmen and slaves, and that Freedman's Cemetery could ultimately 
trace its origin to a slave cemetery. The discovery of this earlier burial 
ground will thus alter many basic assumptions regarding the origin and 
history of the early community of Freedman's Town, of which Freedman's 
Cemetery was but one part. 
Ironically, like Freedman's Cemetery, an acre of which was paved over 
by highway construction in the 1940s, the Old Dallas Burial Ground suffereda 
similar fate. It was first impacted by the physical plant of the 
Dallas Brewery during its expansion at the turn-of-the-century, and was 
finally paved over by the creation of Woodall Rogers Freeway in the 1970s.
There is indirect archival evidence suggesting that most, if not all, of the 
graves of whites were moved from the Old Dallas Burial Ground in the early 
1870s to the newly formed City Cemetery. No archival evidence, however, has 
been found regarding the fate of the remains of the enslaved 
African Americans. Freedman's Cemetery was formed in 1869 specifically to 
supersede the Old Dallas Burial Ground's role, and so it would have been the 
logical (and indeed the only) place available for such re-interments. Although 
the arliest portion of the Freedman's Cemetery was completely cleared of 
graves during the highway department's archaeological investigation, no cases 
of graves containing the disturbed remains of secondary burials were 
recovered. With the complete lack of secondary burials at Freedman's Cemetery, 
and nothing in the archival record to suggest their removal, it seems 
highly likely that the remains of Dallas's slaves and early freedmen still 
lie within the Old Dallas Burial Ground. 
The presence or extent of subsurface impacts that may have occurred to 
the graves, due either to the turn-of-the-century brewery expansion or the 
construction of Woodall Rogers Freeway, is unknown. In the vicinity of the Old 
Burial Ground, Woodall Rogers Freeway consists of an elevated roadway, and so 
the cemetery is not capped off with roadbed materials in any conventional 
sense. Accordingly, archaeological investigation could potentially reveal any 
surviving graves, which could then be removed to a nearby cemetery. 
Note: A full length article on the Old Dallas Burial Ground will be 
publishedin the October 1998 issue of the Southwestern Historical Quarterly.
Freedman's Cemetery (1869-1907): 
Establishing a Chronology for Exhumed Burials from an African-American Burial 
Ground, Dallas, Texas
James M. Davidson, University of Texas at Austin
In the early 1990s, archaeologists working in Dallas, Texas, participated in 
one of the largest historic cemetery removal projects, to be treated 
archaeologically, ever conducted in the United States. The focus of the 
project, Freedman's Cemetery, was the principal burial ground for virtually 
every African American in Dallas between the years 1869 and 1907, a critical 
period spanning the Reconstruction and Jim Crow eras.
The Freedman's Cemetery Project was necessitated by the expansion of North 
Central Expressway (U.S. Highway 75). In the late 1980s, a preliminary 
pedestrian survey of threatened cultural resources performed by the Texas 
Department of Transportation (TXDOT) identified the remaining intact portion 
of Freedman's Cemetery. Later research revealed that previous highway 
building efforts undertaken in the 1940s had paved over nearly an acre of the 
site.
To mitigate the effects of highway expansion, the Freedman's Cemetery 
Archaeological Project was formed by TXDOT. Between November 1991 and August 1
994, excavations within Freedman's Cemetery encompassed nearly an acre (.95 
acre). At the close of these excavations, archaeological investigations had 
resulted in the exhumation, documentation, and analysis of 1,150 burials 
(containing the remains of 1,157 individuals); i.e., nearly 1,200 men, women, 
and children who had lived and died a century ago (Condon et. al 1998). Since 
none of the graves were marked with dated tombstones, both the identities and 
dates of interment for these individuals were unknown.
Without knowing when someone lived and died, without the ability to view them 
in the very context of their times, it becomes difficult to judge with any 
certainty the quality or content of their lives in any meaningful way, 
economically, spiritually, or socially. Thus, establishing a chronology for 
these exhumed burials became the first step involved in realizing the vast 
potential of the Freedman's Cemetery data.
Numerous prior historic cemeteries have been excavated and reports produced, 
all without a thorough knowledge (or at times even a basic grounding) in the 
material culture of the nineteenth and early twentieth-century funerary 
industry (e.g., coffin hardware). Though most historic cemeteries subjected 
to archaeological investigation are unmarked, and the individual burials 
undated, as a rule the resulting site reports make only limited attempts at 
interpretation or chronology. Some do not even deign to hazard a guess as to 
when the burials, that are the very subject of the report, were originally 
interred (e.g., Taylor, et. al 1986). What, then, made the Freedman's 
Cemetery Project any different from previous investigations, and therefore 
significant enough to justify the added time and expense in documenting the 
site as fully as possible?
When excavations ended in the summer of 1994, the Freedman's Cemetery Project 
had exhumed a total of 1,157 individuals, a population equal to a small town. 
This staggering figure makes Freedman's one of the largest historic 
cemeteries ever excavated archaeologically in the United States. This 
circumstance alone makes the Freedman's Archaeological Project largely unique.
Additionally, unlike many historic cemetery excavations, where only the most 
superficial study is permitted, the skeletal remains and associated artifacts 
exhumed at Freedman's Cemetery were subjected to both extensive and intensive 
documentation and analyses. For example, the typical burial generated 29 
pages of documentation (e.g., excavation form, artifact inventory and 
analysis form, skeletal analysis form, and dental analysis form). For the 
1,150 burials exhumed arch-aeologically, the combined documentation is 
approximately 33,000 pages (66 reams or 330 pounds of paper). Also, extensive 
photographic documentation occurred with both artifacts and skeletal remains; 
over 185,000 negatives exist (Condon et. al 1998).
Extensive local archival documentation was available as well. Such data were 
an enormous help in interpreting the cemetery in its totality, and aided in 
understanding individual graves as well.
The fact that Freedman's was an African-American cemetery was, for me, yet 
another significant factor in the project. African Americans founded the 
Freedman's Town, of which the cemetery was but one part, in the early years 
of Reconstruction. Arguably, the one period in American history most fraught 
with change for African Americans spans the Reconstruction Era to the time of 
Jim Crow, a period within which the use of Freedman's Cemetery was known to 
fall. Finally, it was established that for nearly all of its history, the 
Freedman's Cemetery served as the only public burial ground for African
Americans residing within Dallas. Thus, the demography of the cemetery is an 
inclusive one, simultaneously containing both the poorest members of the 
community (numerous 
paupers buried at city expense), as well as Dallas' African-American middle 
class or elite represented by elaborately trimmed caskets.
Two basic and complimentary dating schema were used in the creation of the 
Freedman's Cemetery chronology. First, an entirely internal chronology was 
established, using specific artifacts as temporal diagnostics, cross-dating, 
stacked burials (i.e., superposition), as well as knowledge of land purchase 
and subsequent use (e.g., the spatial patterning of graves). The other dating 
schema made use of broad, national trends in coffin hardware innovations and 
stylistic motifs, through an exhaustive study of coffin hardware catalogues, 
trade journals, and all pertinent records of the United States Patent Office. 
Although extremely time-consuming, this study was a necessary step to advance 
the knowledge base of 19th and early 20th century mortuary hardware beyond 
the preliminary studies of Hacker-Norton and Trinkley (1984), Garrow (1987), 
and others.
The chronology created for Freedman's Cemetery made it possible to assign 
narrow date ranges to virtually all of the recovered burials. From historic 
records, I was able to establish that Freedman's Cemetery was founded on 
April 29, 1869, and remained open and received interments up to July 26, 
1907. Three major (and one minor) time periods were identified. The Early 
Period spans sixteen years, from the cemetery's founding in 1869 until 1884 
(n=64 burials; 5.5% of total exhumed). The next period defined for Freedman's 
Cemetery is the Middle Period, a fifteen year interval stretching from 1885 
to 1899 (n=170 burials; 14.8% of total exhumed). The next temporal period is 
a minor one, termed simply "Pre-1900." This designation was devised to 
describe those burials that while identified as dating prior to 1900, could 
not be further subdivided into either the Early or Middle Periods. The 
"Pre-1900" Period contains 37 burials (3.2% of total exhumed). The final 
temporal period is termed the Late Period; it covers a mere eight year 
interval occurring between 1900 and 1907. The Late Period contains the bulk 
of the exhumed burials (n=878; 76.4% of total exhumed). Of the 1150 burials 
exhumed during excavations, only one (Burial 1127) could not be more finely 
dated due to its highly disturbed nature, location within the cemetery, and 
complete lack of associated artifacts.
The Freedman's Cemetery chronology took approximately six years to formulate, 
research, implement, and finally, document within my masters thesis (Davidson 
1999). Other investigators involved with historic cemetery excavations might 
wonder at the necessity or the lengths that I have taken in this detailed 
analysis and subdivision of a relatively short 39-year time span. This seemed 
the first order of importance for a number of reasons. To date, Freedman's 
Cemetery is the largest historical cemetery of its kind in the United States 
to have been excavated, documented, and analyzed to the extent performed in 
Dallas, and it seems unlikely that such a site of comparable size will ever 
again be examined as minutely as Freedman's.
Until Freedman's Cemetery was firmly tethered in time, any analyses conducted 
would have been perfunctory in tone or preliminary in extent. Indeed, for any 
analysis or meaningful interpretations to come of the Freedman's Cemetery 
Project, a diachronic perspective was imperative. The chronology forms the 
basis for my dissertation work: diachronic studies of the subject of race and 
racism within Dallas, the changing cultural landscape, health and demography, 
socioeconomic, and the socio-religious realm as mirrored through specific 
burial practices.
To only view this skeletal population and material culture (in toto) as 
contemporaneous would deny the wonderful opportunity to chart the social, 
economic, and health trends within the African-American communities of 19th 
and early 20th century Dallas. Indeed, the active "life" of Freedman's 
Cemetery parallels some of the most formative years of the Black Experience, 
beginning during the troubled Recon-struction period and proceeding into the 
early 20th century, both of which influenced the birth of America's modern 
era.